President Joe Biden’s $106 billion national security request is in big trouble on Capitol Hill.

Even before it hits the leaderless House, Senate GOP divisions are threatening to sink the proposal — or dramatically reshape it. Republicans are split over whether to link Israel and Ukraine aid, with many also pushing for big border policy changes and blanching at the price tag.

Even some GOP supporters of the efforts’ four priorities — Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan and the Southern border — are uncharacteristically pessimistic after the party’s first discussion about the legislation at Tuesday’s lunch.

“The package that the White House sent over really is dead,” said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). “The appropriators in the Senate can begin by basically starting over.”

Democrats hold the keys to the Senate, but they’ll need nine or more Republican votes to get anything through the chamber. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell stumped over the weekend for a generous aid package but said his members have “passion” for stronger border security: “And we’re going to make other changes as well.”

The Senate Appropriations Committee will hold a hearing on the request in a week, and Majority Leader Chuck Schumer wants to move urgently. But the Nov. 17 government funding deadline and a leaderless House create a time crunch for the Senate.

There’s also little clarity into what the Senate’s 60-vote threshold can bear. Beyond the specifics of the $106 billion supplemental bill, Republicans are debating the philosophical concept of marrying Israel aid with the ongoing funding for Ukraine’s defense.

Sending Ukraine more aid is still divisive in the GOP, and some Republicans want the Senate to consider Israel aid on its own.

“They should be separated out,” Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) said Tuesday. “The Israel component has almost overwhelming support, and we can get there very quickly. I just think, tactically, it’s just a better approach.”

On the other hand, Senate Armed Services ranking member Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) said he “absolutely” supports linking the two. He conceded the conference is “split” on the issue but predicted a “solid majority in the House and Senate” could support the concept.

“I want the whole package to go forward,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said. “Those are four national security issues, and we should deal with them as a unit.”

Still, the complexity of such a large piece of legislation could be its undoing. Humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip will be “problematic” for the GOP, said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). And Republicans want border policy changes in addition to funding requests from the administration.

This is “going to have to deal with some policy changes on the border to change the status quo, which this does not,” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) said.

A number of Senate Republican leaders and McConnell allies, including Thune, are non-committal about keeping the package comprehensive. Asked whether the issues can remain lumped together, Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said the conference will discuss “what strategy is best,” while Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa) said “we’ll have a discussion” about it.

On the Israel-Ukraine combo, Cornyn said he’d “be happy to vote on them individually,” while Sen. Katie Britt (R-Ala.) said there’s still a need to “take a look at what’s been sent over.”

Yet McConnell was steadfast in his approach when facing reporters after the party lunch.

“Speaking for myself, I do think it needs to be comprehensive,” McConnell said at his weekly press conference. “It needs to deal with all of these, because they’re all interrelated.”

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